May 11

What was advertised in a colonial American newspaper 250 years ago today?

Pennsylvania Journal (May 11, 1774).

“Booksellers, in any part of America, may be supplied with frontispieces of any kind.”

When John Norman, an “ARCHITECT and LANDSCAPE-ENGRAVER, from London,” arrived in Philadelphia in the spring of 1774, he introduced himself to the public with an advertisement in the May 11 edition of the Pennsylvania Journal.  He offered his services to “Any Gentlemen, who please to favour him their commands,” promising that they “may depend on having their work carefully and expeditiously executed on the lowest terms and in the best manner.”  The newcomer promised quality engravings at the best prices.  In addition to local customers, he also sought clients in other cities and towns.  In a nota bene, he addressed “Booksellers, in any part of America,” informing them that they “may be supplied with frontispieces of any kind.”  He produced such work “as reasonable as in England,” while also pledging to meet the schedules of his clients.  For those marketing books with frontispieces by subscription, Norman would invest “great care … to dispatch [the engravings] at the time they are wanted.”

Norman experienced success, first in Philadelphia and later in Boston.  He eventually became “one of the significant cartographic engravers and publishers of the early Republic.”  In 1775, he published an American edition of Abraham Swan’s The British Architect: or, the Builder’s Treasury of Staircases, printed by Robert Bell.  The copies in the collections of the American Antiquarian Society and the Library of Congress have two subscription proposals and a list of “ENCOURAGERS” (or subscribers) bound into them.  The engraver hoped that after recruiting nearly two hundred subscribers for The British Architect that the “generous ARTISTS, who encouraged this AMERICAN EDITION, and all others who wish to see useful and ornamental ARCHITECTURE flourish in AMERICA” would reserve one or more copies of “THE GENTLEMAN AND CABINET-MAKERS’S ASSISTANT” and “A COLLECTION OF DESIGNS IN ARCHITECTURE.”  For both volumes, “SUBSCRIPTIONS are gratefully received” by Norman and Bell in Philadelphia and local agents in Annapolis, Baltimore, Charleston, and New York.

The engraver relocated to Boston during the Revolutionary War.  In the final years of the war, he produced portraits of patriot leaders, including His Excellency George Washington, Esqr., General and Commander in Chief of the Allied Armies, Supporting the Independence of America; The Honorable Samuel Adams, Esqr., First Delegate to Congress from Massachusetts; and His Excellency Nathaniel Green, Esqr., Major General of the American Army.  In 1782, Norman engraved, published, and advertised Plan of the Town of Boston, with the ATTACK on BUNKERS-HILL, in the Peninsula of CHARLESTOWN, the 17th of June, 1775.  His engravings, both portraits and maps, contributed to the commodification of patriotism during the era of the American Revolution, a different sort of project than the “ARCHITECT and LANDSCAPE-ENGRAVER” first envisioned in his advertisement in the Pennsylvania Journal.

Slavery Advertisements Published May 11, 1774

The Slavery Adverts 250 Project chronicles the role of newspaper advertising in perpetuating slavery in the era of the American Revolution. The project seeks to reveal the ubiquity of slavery in eighteenth-century life from New England to Georgia by republishing advertisements about enslaved people – for sale as individuals or in groups, wanted to purchase or for hire for short periods, runaways who liberated themselves, and those who were subsequently captured and confined in jails and workhouses – in daily digests on this site as well as in real time via the @SlaveAdverts250 Twitter feed, utilizing twenty-first-century media to stand in for the print media of the eighteenth century.

The project aims to provide modern audiences with a sense of just how often colonizers encountered these advertisements in their daily lives. Enslaved men, women, and children appeared in print somewhere in the colonies almost every single day. Those advertisements served as a constant backdrop for social, cultural, economic, and political life in colonial and revolutionary America. Colonizers who did not purport to own enslaved people were still confronted with slavery as well as invited to maintain the system by purchasing enslaved men, women, and children or assisting in the capture of so-called “runaways” who sought to free themselves from bondage. The frequency of these newspaper advertisements suggests just how embedded slavery was in colonial and revolutionary American culture in everyday interactions beyond the printed page.

These advertisements also testify to the experiences of enslaved men, women, and children, though readers must consider that those experiences have been remediated through descriptions offered by enslavers rather than enslaved people themselves. Often unnamed in the advertisements, enslaved men, women, and children were not invisible or unimportant in early America.

These advertisements appeared in colonial American newspapers 250 years ago today.

Pennsylvania Journal (May 11, 1774).

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Pennsylvania Journal (May 11, 1774).

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Pennsylvania Journal (May 11, 1774).

May 10

What was advertised in a colonial American newspaper 250 years ago today?

Connecticut Courant (May 10, 1774).

Come see for love, and then if you please may buy of me.”

In the spring of 1774, Samuel Wescote inserted a lengthy advertisement in the Connecticut Courant.  The shopkeeper informed the public that he had “just received a new and fresh Supply of Goods which are now ready for Sale at his Store … in Hartford.”  To demonstrate the choices that he presented to consumers, he provided an extensive list that included “a very neat and fashionable assortment of dark and light Chintzes and Callicoes,” “Women’s leather worsted & silk, black & colour’d Mitts,” “Men’s worsted black colour’d & mix’d Hose,” “black Umbrelloes,” and “Cutlery and Crockery Ware.”  In addition, he stocked “many other articles too tedious to name.”  Prospective customers would have to visit his shop to discover those other wonders for themselves.

To further entice them, Wescote promised good deals, stating that he set his prices “as cheap as is sold in Hartford.”  That being the case, the price was the price.  Wescote had no intention of haggling, not with new customers nor with loyal customers.  He planned to treat “all my customers alike,” according to the principle he set forth in a rhyming couplet that concluded his advertisement.  “Come see for love, and then if you please may buy of me / But for dispatch have set my Goods so low that no abatement will there be.”  In other words, the shopkeeper saved time for everyone by setting the lowest possible price from the start.  Customers did not need to wonder if they could have gotten an even better bargain if they dickered with Wescote a bit more.  Set in italics to increase its visibility, the couplet encapsulated the consumer experience that Wescote developed throughout his advertisement.  He encouraged browsing, believing that colonizers already immersed in a transatlantic consumer revolution would “see for love” the many kinds of merchandise he carried and select items to purchase that “please[d]” them.  His pricing scheme, offering “Goods so low” to give his customers the best value, streamlined final transactions.  He made shopping rather than paying the focal point of the consumer experience for his customers, the couplet distinguishing his advertisement from others.

Slavery Advertisements Published May 10, 1774

The Slavery Adverts 250 Project chronicles the role of newspaper advertising in perpetuating slavery in the era of the American Revolution. The project seeks to reveal the ubiquity of slavery in eighteenth-century life from New England to Georgia by republishing advertisements about enslaved people – for sale as individuals or in groups, wanted to purchase or for hire for short periods, runaways who liberated themselves, and those who were subsequently captured and confined in jails and workhouses – in daily digests on this site as well as in real time via the @SlaveAdverts250 Twitter feed, utilizing twenty-first-century media to stand in for the print media of the eighteenth century.

The project aims to provide modern audiences with a sense of just how often colonizers encountered these advertisements in their daily lives. Enslaved men, women, and children appeared in print somewhere in the colonies almost every single day. Those advertisements served as a constant backdrop for social, cultural, economic, and political life in colonial and revolutionary America. Colonizers who did not purport to own enslaved people were still confronted with slavery as well as invited to maintain the system by purchasing enslaved men, women, and children or assisting in the capture of so-called “runaways” who sought to free themselves from bondage. The frequency of these newspaper advertisements suggests just how embedded slavery was in colonial and revolutionary American culture in everyday interactions beyond the printed page.

These advertisements also testify to the experiences of enslaved men, women, and children, though readers must consider that those experiences have been remediated through descriptions offered by enslavers rather than enslaved people themselves. Often unnamed in the advertisements, enslaved men, women, and children were not invisible or unimportant in early America.

These advertisements appeared in colonial American newspapers 250 years ago today.

Connecticut Courant (May 10, 1774).

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Connecticut Courant (May 10, 1774).

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South-Carolina Gazette and Country Journal (May 10, 1774).

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South-Carolina Gazette and Country Journal (May 10, 1774).

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South-Carolina Gazette and Country Journal (May 10, 1774).

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South-Carolina Gazette and Country Journal (May 10, 1774).

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South-Carolina Gazette and Country Journal (May 10, 1774).

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South-Carolina Gazette and Country Journal (May 10, 1774).

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South-Carolina Gazette and Country Journal (May 10, 1774).

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South-Carolina Gazette and Country Journal (May 10, 1774).

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South-Carolina Gazette and Country Journal (May 10, 1774).

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South-Carolina Gazette and Country Journal (May 10, 1774).

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South-Carolina Gazette and Country Journal (May 10, 1774).

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South-Carolina Gazette and Country Journal (May 10, 1774).

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South-Carolina Gazette and Country Journal (May 10, 1774).

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South-Carolina Gazette and Country Journal (May 10, 1774).

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South-Carolina Gazette and Country Journal (May 10, 1774).

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South-Carolina Gazette and Country Journal (May 10, 1774).

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South-Carolina Gazette and Country Journal (May 10, 1774).

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South-Carolina Gazette and Country Journal (May 10, 1774).

May 9

What was advertised in a colonial American newspaper 250 years ago today?

Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Post-Boy (May 9, 1774).

“Cannot fail to give universal Satisfaction to their Customers.”

I originally selected this advertisement to further demonstrate that even though advertisers usually wrote the copy but left the format and other aspects of graphic design to compositors who worked in printing offices they sometimes gave instructions about how they wanted specific elements of how their notices to appear.  In this instance, John Barrett and Sons ran a lengthy advertisement enclosed within a border of decorative type in three newspapers simultaneously.  Their notice appeared in the Boston Evening-Post, the Boston-Gazette, and the Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Post-Boy on May 9, 1774.  On closer examination, however, I discovered that this advertisement presents further evidence that printing offices in Boston sometimes shared type already set for advertisements.  A week ago, I documented this with Joseph Peirce’s advertisement.

As was the case with that notice, the Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Post-Boy operated independently.  Among other newspapers, Barrett and Sons’ advertisement apparently originated in the Boston-Gazette before being reprinted in the Boston Evening-Post.  Notably, it ran next to Peirce’s advertisement in the May 9 edition, that type having made its way back to the printing office for the Boston-Gazette.  The visual evidence makes it difficult to dispute that some printers transferred type from one newspaper to another.  The printing ornaments that formed the border around the advertisement make that clear.  Even if the compositor for the Boston Evening-Post happened to copy the font, capitalization, italics, size, centering, left justification, right justification, and other format exactly from the Boston-Gazette, itself a highly unlikely scenario, matching the decorative type would have been practically impossible.  Note that the compositor chose one type of ornament for the upper and lower borders and a different ornament for the left and right borders, except for the last ornament before the right corner in the lower border.  In that position appears the same ornament from the left and right borders in the advertisements in both newspapers.  Furthermore, the compositor introduced one more variation midway down the left and right borders, marking where the side-by-side columns listing goods begin.  To the left of “Chints, Calicoes” and to the right of “An Assortment,” a different ornament appears, once again in both the Boston-Gazette and the Boston Evening-Post.

Barrett and Sons’ advertisement did not make it into the Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Weekly News-Letter, in any form, unlike the type for Peirce’s advertisement that seems to have been transferred from the Boston-Gazette and the Boston Evening-Post to that newspaper.  That might have been due to Richard Draper’s poor health and seeking a partner to assist him in running his printing office making such coordination too difficult at that moment.  Yet the type for Peirce’s advertisement made its way into that newspaper once again on May 12 after running in the Boston-Gazetteon May 9 (but not in the Boston Evening-Post for a second time on that day).  This suggests instead that Barrett and Sons, the advertisers, made decisions about which publications would carry their advertisement, likely based on their own marketing budget and sense of which newspapers had the best circulation.  This instance raises further questions about the coordination among printing offices, especially the logistics, the bookkeeping, and the fees.  These advertisements demonstrate that printers in Boston who usually competed with each other for both subscribers and advertisers cooperated on occasion when it came to inserting advertisements in their newspapers.

Left to right: Boston-Gazette (May 9, 1774); Boston Evening-Post (May 9, 1774).

Slavery Advertisements Published May 9, 1774

The Slavery Adverts 250 Project chronicles the role of newspaper advertising in perpetuating slavery in the era of the American Revolution. The project seeks to reveal the ubiquity of slavery in eighteenth-century life from New England to Georgia by republishing advertisements about enslaved people – for sale as individuals or in groups, wanted to purchase or for hire for short periods, runaways who liberated themselves, and those who were subsequently captured and confined in jails and workhouses – in daily digests on this site as well as in real time via the @SlaveAdverts250 Twitter feed, utilizing twenty-first-century media to stand in for the print media of the eighteenth century.

The project aims to provide modern audiences with a sense of just how often colonizers encountered these advertisements in their daily lives. Enslaved men, women, and children appeared in print somewhere in the colonies almost every single day. Those advertisements served as a constant backdrop for social, cultural, economic, and political life in colonial and revolutionary America. Colonizers who did not purport to own enslaved people were still confronted with slavery as well as invited to maintain the system by purchasing enslaved men, women, and children or assisting in the capture of so-called “runaways” who sought to free themselves from bondage. The frequency of these newspaper advertisements suggests just how embedded slavery was in colonial and revolutionary American culture in everyday interactions beyond the printed page.

These advertisements also testify to the experiences of enslaved men, women, and children, though readers must consider that those experiences have been remediated through descriptions offered by enslavers rather than enslaved people themselves. Often unnamed in the advertisements, enslaved men, women, and children were not invisible or unimportant in early America.

These advertisements appeared in colonial American newspapers 250 years ago today.

Boston Evening-Post (May 9, 1773).

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Boston Evening-Post (May 9, 1773).

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Supplement to the Boston-Gazette (May 9, 1773).

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Supplement to the Boston-Gazette (May 9, 1773).

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Supplement to the Boston-Gazette (May 9, 1773).

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Dunlap’s Pennsylvania Packet (May 9, 1773).

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Dunlap’s Pennsylvania Packet (May 9, 1773).

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Postscript to Dunlap’s Pennsylvania Packet (May 9, 1773).

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Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Post-Boy (May 9, 1773).

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Newport Mercury (May 9, 1773).

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New-York Gazette and Weekly Mercury (May 9, 1773).

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Supplement to the New-York Gazette and Weekly Mercury (May 9, 1773).

May 8

What was advertised in a colonial American newspaper 250 years ago this week?

Supplement to the Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Weekly News-Letter (May 5, 1774).

“City Tavern, Philadelphia.”

When the City Tavern opened in Philadelphia, Daniel Smith inserted advertisements in the Pennsylvania Gazette and the Pennsylvania Packet in February 1774.  The opening had been much anticipated in that city, following the efforts of some of the most prominent residents to erect the building via subscription.  In 1772, Samuel Powel entrusted the land to seven wealthy colonizers.  In turn, those “Gentlemen Proprietors” oversaw a “voluntary subscription of the principal gentlemen of the city” to raise funds to build the tavern and then selected Smith to lease and operate the City Tavern.

About three months after his advertisement ran in Philadelphia’s newspaper, it appeared in the Supplement to the Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Weekly News-Letter on May 5.  It featured identical copy and, except for the headline, identical format in terms of capitalization and italics.  Smith may have written it out exactly, but just as likely he clipped the advertisement from his local newspaper and sent it to Richard Draper’s printing office in Boston.  Alternately, he could have sent instructions to reprint the notice from a newspaper that Draper received via his exchange networks with other printers, but Smith would not have been certain that Draper received the issues that originally carried his advertisement.  Given that the tavernkeeper proclaimed that he “fitted up a genteel Coffee Room, … properly supplied with English and American papers and magazines,” he likely corresponded directly with Draper, ordering a newspaper subscription and arranging to run his advertisement in the public prints in Boston.

That advertisement provided a brief history of the City Tavern that would have been familiar to many residents of Philadelphia yet new to readers in Boston.  Smith hoped to impress prospective visitors to his city with the “largest and most elegant house occupied in that way [as a tavern, coffeehouse, and inn], in America.”  He emphasized his own “very great expence” in furnishing it with “every article of the first quality, in the stile of a London tavern.”  Indeed, when John Adams traveled to Philadelphia to attend the First Continental Congress several months later, he described it as “the most genteel [tavern] in America.”[1]  That was the reputation Smith hoped to cultivate, not only in his city but throughout the colonies.  He positioned the City Tavern as a destination itself, not just a place to eat, drink, and lodge while visiting Philadelphia.

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[1] See entry for August 29, 1774, in John Adams diary 21, 15 August – 3 September 1774 [electronic edition]. Adams Family Papers: An Electronic Archive. Massachusetts Historical Society. http://www.masshist.org/digitaladams/

May 7

What was advertised in a colonial American newspaper 250 years ago today?

Providence Gazette (May 7, 1774).

“His Customers may depend on having their Work done as neat as at Boston.”

When the mononymous Wright, “TAYLOR and HABIT-MAKER, from Boston,” arrived in Providence, he ran a newspaper advertisement to introduce himself to prospective clients in and near the growing port.  He advised the public that he “has taken a Shop opposite Messieurs Joseph and William Russell’s Store,” a prime location because everyone knew where the town’s most prominent merchants did business.  Readers might not know much about Wright, at least not yet, but they could certainly find their way to his new shop if they wished to find out more.

For his part, Wright sought to incite interest that would help in cultivating a clientele by telling the public more about himself and his plans for his new enterprise.  He reported that he “served his Apprenticeship to one of the best Taylors in Boston,” but did not give a name.  Whether they arrived from the other side of the Atlantic or from another colony, artisans often promoted the training they received in their trade, hoping that would give them some standing with prospective customers while they worked to establish their reputations in the local market.  Wright also asserted that he pursued “the Taylor’s Business, in all its Branches,” indicating that he was capable of any sort of work undertaken by tailors.  His apprenticeship had been extensive and complete.

The newcomer also emphasized quality and customer service.  He promised that he produced garments “in the neatest and best Manner.”  Indeed, given his prior experience, he pledged that “His Customers may depend on having their Work done as neat as at Boston, or elsewhere.”  Just because Boston and New York and Philadelphia were larger and more cosmopolitan did not mean that their tailors produced better work, at least not according to Wright as he appealed to prospective clients in Providence.  He may have even intended for the mononym to testify to the cachet associated with hiring him.  Wright was confident that he “shall give Satisfaction to all that may please to favour him with their Custom.”  Whether or not that was actually the case could not be gleaned from his advertisement, but the tailor did demonstrate that he was familiar with the various conventions for marketing his services commonly adopted by members of his trade during the era of the American Revolution.

May 6

What was advertised in a colonial American newspaper 250 years ago today?

Top to bottom: South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774); South-Carolina Gazette and Country Journal (May 10, 1774); Supplement to the South-Carolina Gazette (May 16, 1774).

“Whom he has had under his [illegible] these ten Years past.”

It had been a while since Mr. Pike, the dancing master, ran advertisements in any of the newspapers printed in Charleston in the 1770s.  In September 1773, he announced that he opened his “Dancing and Fencing SCHOOLS … for the Season.”  A little more than six months later, he once again took to the public prints with a final notice that he would leave “the Province some Time next Month” due to ill health.  It appeared in the May 6 edition of the South-Carolina and American General Gazette and the May 10 edition of the South-Carolina Gazette and Country Journal.  He likely placed it in the South-Carolina Gazette simultaneously, but some issues have not survived.  It ran in the Supplement to the South-Carolina Gazette on May 16, probably moved to that portion of the newspaper after appearing in the standard issue in previous weeks.  By placing his notice in all three newspapers published in the colony, Pike disseminated his farewell message widely, making his intended departure as visible as possible.

The reiteration of his advertisements across multiple newspapers eventually made it more accessible to historians and other modern readers, especially those who rely on digital surrogates.  However, Pike’s advertisement is fully legible in only one of the digital images of the issues listed above.  It is possible to make out most of the content of the advertisement from the South-Carolina and American General Gazette, but not all of it.  While it might be tempting to blame poor printing, that does not seem to be solely responsible for the quality of the image.  Robert Wells, the printer, would not have been able to keep his newspaper in business for years if the contents were not legible, especially when competing with two other newspapers.  Digital images of some, but not all, pages of the May 6 edition of the South-Carolina and American General Gazette are more legible.  Others are much less legible.  The primary problem seems to lie with the photography rather than the printing.  Technological errors that occurred during the digitization of the South-Carolina Gazette certainly made a portion of Pike’s advertisement in the May 16 supplement illegible.  A glitch of some sort cut off the bottom third of the first page of the supplement, presenting solid grey rather than an image of the advertisements on that portion of the page.  The first several lines of Pike’s advertisement are visible, but not the rest.  In contrast, the entire advertisement is legible in the digital image of the South-Carolina Gazette and Country Journal for May 10, though some combination of printing, wear over time, and modern photography has made some words more difficult to decipher than others.

These examples demonstrate that digitization is not a panacea for providing access to primary sources.  Digital images do not always offer the same access as examining the original documents.  The lower third of the page is not actually missing from the South-Carolina Gazette.  The South-Carolina and American General Gazette may be much more legible when viewed in person.  Unfortunately, the quality of the digital images undermines their accessibility.

Slavery Advertisements Published May 6, 1774

The Slavery Adverts 250 Project chronicles the role of newspaper advertising in perpetuating slavery in the era of the American Revolution. The project seeks to reveal the ubiquity of slavery in eighteenth-century life from New England to Georgia by republishing advertisements about enslaved people – for sale as individuals or in groups, wanted to purchase or for hire for short periods, runaways who liberated themselves, and those who were subsequently captured and confined in jails and workhouses – in daily digests on this site as well as in real time via the @SlaveAdverts250 Twitter feed, utilizing twenty-first-century media to stand in for the print media of the eighteenth century.

The project aims to provide modern audiences with a sense of just how often colonizers encountered these advertisements in their daily lives. Enslaved men, women, and children appeared in print somewhere in the colonies almost every single day. Those advertisements served as a constant backdrop for social, cultural, economic, and political life in colonial and revolutionary America. Colonizers who did not purport to own enslaved people were still confronted with slavery as well as invited to maintain the system by purchasing enslaved men, women, and children or assisting in the capture of so-called “runaways” who sought to free themselves from bondage. The frequency of these newspaper advertisements suggests just how embedded slavery was in colonial and revolutionary American culture in everyday interactions beyond the printed page.

These advertisements also testify to the experiences of enslaved men, women, and children, though readers must consider that those experiences have been remediated through descriptions offered by enslavers rather than enslaved people themselves. Often unnamed in the advertisements, enslaved men, women, and children were not invisible or unimportant in early America.

These advertisements appeared in colonial American newspapers 250 years ago today.

Connecticut Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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Connecticut Journal (May 6, 1774).

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Connecticut Journal (May 6, 1774).

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New-Hampshire Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).

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South-Carolina and American General Gazette (May 6, 1774).